Child traffickers in Kenya and the children’s homes owners have been the poster page of exploitation and the vicous fight against Children Welfare Society of Kenya but there are several other players that aid the illicit business.
In this article, we not only expose the other players in the trafficking trade but also reveal how they have infiltrated key sectors, including in government using illegally-acquired money to protect their business and continue trafficking children despite the moratorium on adoption by foreigners being in place.
A number of lawyers, through well-known law firms, are involved in the trade, mainly as facilitators of the legal processes; at least three law firms being cited for their notoriety in the trade.
Some of them (lawyers) even own children’s homes through which the business is conducted, the homes being used as “concentration camps” for children set to be trafficked. In some instances, they influence their cronies to be appointed children’s homes administrators to make their work easy.
These lawyers work in cahoots with about a dozen children and judicial officers , with a particular judge/magistrate being involved. A number of children welfare societies and Non-Governmental Organisations are part of the syndicate that has deep-rooted connections in the Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare.
One curious judicial mischief is how a court in Mombasa heard and dispensed with 17 cases of child adoption by foreigners in one day while the moratorium was in place.
Kurunzi has established how the networks have links and have even managed to influence appointments to key decision-making positions on matters affecting children welfare in the ministry and other agencies under the ministry headed by Ukur Yattany, also the acting Treasury CS.
This intricate network is also behind the crafting of the Children’s Bill 2018 which they wanted hurried through parliament before stakeholders flagged provisions that flouted international tenets of child protection and welfare standards, especially on adoption, foster care and exploitation.
The Bill is supposed to give full effect to Article 53 of the Constitution on the protection of children and their rights.
Strategically and to make it easy to circumvent legal and policy mechanisms put in place as a result of the moratorium, the multi-faceted and well financed trafficking cartels have used money to invite staffers at key institutions and organisations, including CWSK with a view to having certain individuals they consider a stumbling block to their trade ousted.
The perfect case, in this regard, is the ongoing “labour unrest” at CWSK, where among other issues there have been unfounded corruption and financial impropriety allegations against the management and trustees of the organisation. The latter issue is in court, the judiciary recently lifting a freeze on all CWSK accounts.
In situations where they foresee or encounter challenges in circumventing legal and policy provisions, these cartels often resort to using medical tourism to United States, Canada and other European Union destinations, colluding with doctors who recommend the need for treatment abroad where the intended beneficiaries of the trafficking would then receive their ‘package’.
Refugees and children fleeing conflict from neighboring countries, especially Rwanda, DRC, Burundi, South Sudan, Ethiopia and Somalia are also targeted in this trade.
Unfortunately, certain families are giving up their children for adoption by foreigners in the name of opening up opportunities for better fortunes, while some extended family members give up orphaned children for foreign adoption to avoid the responsibility of caring for children of their deceased relatives.
READ THE NEXT PART OF THIS STORY TO LEARN HOW THESE TRAFFICKING CARTELS ARE BLOCKING PROSECUTION OF CULPRITS INVOLVED IN THIS TRADE.
